LIBERTY FOR OCCITANIA

(PNO manifesto, English version)

The Occitan Nationalist Party (P.N.O.) was founded in Nice in 1959 by François Fontan in a very specific political context: The French State headed by General De Gaulle was about to accept the inevitable decolonization of Algeria. The division of the world in two blocks was beginning to show a few cracks. Stateless peoples, such as the Occitan people could finally consider asserting their existence again. Since that time, the international context has changed quite a lot. The prospects are becoming brighter for them. More than 40 years later, it is important to take stock of the situation and to explain our objectives to put a stop to  the unreliable ravings of all those who, up to now, have not been brave enough to join our party or who left it for failing to understand its raison d’être and its evolution.

Obviously, one of the major changes that occurred in the world was the end of the communist mirage. It held sway over a major part of the planet and collapsed for the benefit of democratic liberalism.    

Another major change is the organization of Europe. It is no longer a mere understanding between Germany and France under an Anglo-American hegemony as it was originally. Such an arrangement left practically no room for Europe’s other nations, in particular stateless ones. Europe has been enlarged and has become, so to say, federal. The impending integration of new States from Eastern Europe should contribute to strengthening this federalism to such an extent that today’s Occitan regions can seriously claim to play a not insignificant role in this new Europe. Consequently, Fontan’s critique of and opposition to a centralized European construction have become practically groundless today. The Occitan Nationalist Party today is clearly in favour of a federal Europe gathering peoples rather than former imperial States. This is perhaps the most far-reaching change in the party’s strategy for independence. The independence we put forward hinges on a new, decentralized and enlarged European construction. To put the whole thing in a nutshell, we demand the same representation in Brussels as the other European nations.

Another global change is the emergence of new clashes of civilization, in particular between Muslim fundamentalists and Western democrats. Occitania being an essentially Mediterranean country, we are at the furthermost bounds of the Western world and the so-called Muslim world. The presence on our territory of a sizeable North African immigrant population about to become integrated into French mainstream society and the attachment of populations, a part of which hailing from neighbouring countries, to Christian traditions,  make it necessary for us to be open-minded and tolerant and to condemn any form of fundamentalism.

Another change that affects us is the regional organization of the French State. Since the enactment of the so-called Defferre regionalization laws, regional councillors are now elected by universal suffrage. This new democratic power compels and will increasingly compel the Parisian State to delegate powers to the Occitan regions. It looks as if the French State wanted to reorganize itself on a regional basis to forestall and avoid the rise of Corsican, Catalan, Basque, Breton, Flemish, Alsatian and Occitan nationalisms, not to mention the people from French overseas territories who are finding it harder and harder to bear French hegemonism. In a sense the Parisian State is pulling the rug out from under our feet.  Many Occitan people among our elected representatives seem to be satisfied with such half-measures.

But at the same time, it is an indirect way of recognizing the Occitan problem. Occitan nationalism tends to become a state issue.

On the other hand, Occitania’s economic and cultural situation has changed. Occitania is no longer the French desert of the 1950s. It has become a group of developing regions. Concurrently, Occitania’s cultural realities have taken shape. On the plus side, people  have become aware of the Oc language even if unconscious use within the family  has declined. There may be fewer and fewer Occitan men and women who speak the language on a everyday basis but there are more and more cultural achievements that contribute to its survival: calandretas (schools that provide immersion courses in the Occitan language), bilingual classes in state schools, musical or theatre groups, language courses, newspapers, books on the Oc language or in the Oc language are growing in number... In a word, Occitan activism has reached the grass roots level.

The Occitan Nationalist Party has become the tip of an iceberg made up of countless achievements.

Needless to say, it draws its inspiration from them but by its very existence it enhances their value and gives them meaning. The Occitan Nationalist Party is no longer based on a single man’s thought. Although François Fontan’s ethnist thought remains essential for us, the Occitan Nationalist Party is a place where a whole group of men and women who take an active part in the building of an Occitan society gathers and thinks along the same lines. Being aware of all these changes, it is only right that we should be more specific about the minimum conditions to join the Occitan Nationalist Party.

I. Recognizing the Occitan linguistic group as a national language.

The Oc language is not a mere cultural reality that is cut off from economic and political realities. In all its variants, it is the sign of an original national reality. Any language is the most concrete and obvious element of a combination made up of a history, an economy, a way of life. Each language is the instrument of a specific civilization, which is at the same time very complex and original. The Occitan language in particular, which is illustrated by the troubadours’ numerous writings, has exerted an influence all across Europe. However, it cannot be mistaken for its Latin neighbours: Italian, Spanish, Catalan and even less French. It is both unique and very diverse. Each of its dialects: provençal, languedocien, gascon, auvergnat, vivaro-alpine or guyennais should be recognized as equally worthy.

Faced as we are with the unceasingly growing domination of the French language, we should have united and federal linguistic demands and not condone any hegemonic claim of one of its dialects. This involves respect for spelling and grammar uses while seeking what unites us. Being a member of the Occitan Nationalist Party means we should be on the side of all those who intend to illustrate and give life to Occitan culture, in particular our artists and writers.

We are on the side of the Félibrige, the main cultural organization of the Occitan country by the number of its activists and the quality of its writers. The Félibrige, founded by Frédéric Mistral from Provence in 1855 was the first modern national movement of the Oc countries. A position it still occupies. We are on the side of the Institute for Occitan Studies (I.E.O) when, for example, it promotes the most nationalist of our writers, Joan Boudou from Rouergue.

We are on the side of the countless number of all those who, without belonging to an organization, voluntarily lead societies for the promotion of the Occitan language in our villages and the neighbourhoods of our cities. To join the Occitan Nationalist Party it is not necessary to be fluent in one of the dialects of Occitan. In that respect, it is of paramount importance to have the right attitude and to commit oneself to learning the language as soon as media and teaching conditions will allow it. Let just admit that the Oc language is the fundamental sign of our nation. Considering that most Occitan people are mainly French speakers, we should deliberately seek to convince them in French without neglecting our language whenever it is possible.

II. How to be at the same time nationalist and internationalist.

Every living language, whether it is still spoken or it was recently spoken, is the sign of the existence of a nation. As Fontan wrote:" each language permits to determine the existence and the limits of each nation in the world”. Language is the only true distinctive criterion of a nation. This definition of the nation has to do with a new conception bearing the name of ethnism or scientific nationalism. It consists in demanding independence and constantly increasing cooperation between thus defined nations.

Consequently Occitan nationalists are on the side of all those who demand the independence and the unity of their nation on linguistic criteria.

We do not intend to lead such a fight on behalf of the others but we should draw our inspiration from their fight. That is what we mean by being internationalist. We draw our inspiration from the Catalan, Basque, Welsh, Scottish, Quebec and Israeli examples just as the examples of all the nations that manage to combine independence and democracy.

We are part of this global evolution aimed at putting an end to the hegemony of a few major civilizations for the benefit of the some two hundred big nations that make up mankind.

By suggesting solutions to confrontations between peoples, we act as peacemakers and humanists. The kind of progress we believe in is based on respect for all the nations and constantly growing cooperation between independent nations.

Faced with the threat of Muslim fundamentalism for all the peoples of the world we must first specify that we are opposed to a purely religious definition of the nation. There may not be peoples without religion but religion is not enough to determine a nation. Religion is only one of its parts. In the course of its history, Occitania suffered too much because of religious intolerance for us to keep silent on the subject. While we should respect Islam as a religion, we reject any notion of Muslim fundamentalism. It means that we have to forge cooperation links with all the nations that adopted Islam and are the victims of Arab imperialism (Berbers and Kurds for example) We have to forge links with all the other peoples that are threatened by Arab imperialism (Israelis, Copts or Arameans for example).  In the same way, we have to forge links with Arab political forces that have no imperial aims.

On the other hand, faced with an Anglo-American hegemonism whose economic and cultural power tends to assert itself in Occitania just like everywhere in the world, we should not be deluded by the mirages of its mega power and maintain a wait and see attitude

We know that the American melting pot has its limits and that the country is threatened with a break-up in the long range. Until now, however, the United States has granted each of its ethnic groups relative freedom to organize themselves. Their adopting a federal system of government allows us to foresee significant possibilities of self-assertion for each of its peoples. By exporting or imposing their democratic and liberal principles throughout the world they can limit the damaging effects of state centralism, which deny peoples’ rights.

With this democratic mission major clashes of civilization are to be expected

The development of national liberation movements on a cultural and democratic basis is a means to prevent conflicts or at least to limit their effects.

Faced wit this new deal, Occitan nationalism can play a not insignificant role by setting an example and suggesting solutions for apparently inevitable ethnic conflicts. This is what we mean when we say that our nationalism can really be humanistic.

III. Giving Occitania the means of its independence.

1. By constituting a sociological majority.

Because of its history and its cultural dimension, the Occitan people is deeply attached to democratic values and we intend to obtain its independence through peaceful means.

This means that it is essential that a sociological majority should emerge within it in favour of its liberation. This can only be achieved by a coalition of national classes, that is to say an understanding between salaried workers, small property owners, heads of firms and we cannot but call our new white-collar managers (regional officials or high-level technicians). It is because it is in their sociological and economic interest more than by cultural interest that a majority of Occitan people may commit themselves to liberating Occitania.

Occitan activism can be a factor of progress for heads of firms and their staff inasmuch as

they will liberate themselves from the shackles of an onerous or even useless Parisian bureaucracy.

Small Occitan property owners (farmers, craftsmen and shopkeepers) who are overburdened with contributions will see it as a way of drastically cutting them.

Regional officials will consider the growing clout of Occitan regions as an opportunity to put their skills to better use. This coalition in the world of work will bring about a new economic development that, incidentally, has already begun with regionalization.

2. By increased regionalization.

The independence of Occitania as we see it is unlikely to occur abruptly, it will necessarily be a step by step process, through progressive delegations of power by the Parisian State to the Occitan regions. Even if we think that each step is insufficient, we will have to approve it.

We are in the situation of a semi-colonized country in the heart of Southern Europe. This will not enable us to carry out an all-or-nothing policy.

We cannot but act in a pragmatic way.We therefore have to focus on the preliminary conditions of independence. The Scottish, Quebec and especially Catalan models will be used to show us the way.

3. By a regionalized and unifying Occitan nationalism.

Even though we question the current division of Occitania into regional constituencies (Provence, Languedoc-Roussillon, Aquitaine, Limousin, Auvergne and above all Rhône-Alpes, which sidelines the Occitan departments of Drôme and Ardèche), we are considering establishing an Occitan power within those regions. Our fight is bound to be regionalized to take the size of Occitania into account. We should remember that the surface area and the number of its inhabitants make Occitania the biggest colonized nation in Europe. Each of our regions, which are to gradually become masters of their fate, cannot be cut off from the world. Cooperation between Occitan regions will soon become necessary; we will contribute to it to the best of our abilities.  We are therefore heading for an Occitan federation of autonomous regions to become the Occitania of tomorrow. Such a federation of Occitania will be able to become a full-fledged member of the European confederation.  

Such is the independence that every Occitan nationalist activist can finally seriously consider. An independence that is a far cry from any autarky and will enable us to exchange with all the nations of Europe and the world without obeying the never-ending Parisian diktats. An independence that will be achieved in an entirely democratic manner. A real and very concrete independence aimed at improving the living standards of people of Occitan stock but also of Occitan people by adoption, who are willing to share our economic, cultural and political fate. Let’s unite to build Occitania, a country that is only too eager to live. François Fontan’s thought on which the PNO rests, for the most part, has been criticized by some for being fascist and by others for being leftist. There is no way it can be reduced to any current of thought dominating right-wing and left-wing ideologies. The PNO’s thought is a new thought based on a critique of the false right-wing nationalism, a radical critique of marxism as well as a positive appreciation of psycho-analytic thought. To sum up, let us say that the PNO hinges on a cross-disciplinary thought compared with all the previous ideologies.

Jaume RESSAIRE (2003)